In the News: Blog

Today, Sen. Ron Johnson, a newly elected lawmaker from the state of Wisconsin, held a conference call with bloggers to discuss the recent spending votes in the Senate and the generally dismal fiscal outlook for the Federal government. He also very graciously addressed the chaos currently happening in his home state.

When questioned about the Federal government stepping in when/if state governments declare bankruptcy, Sen. Johnson emphatically stated that the taxpayers of our country should not bear the burden of bailing out irresponsible states. He went on to point out that a significant amount of state operating expenses are paid out in the form of wages and benefits for public employees; therefore, amending collective bargaining rules is imperative to restoring fiscal sanity to state budgets. The senator made the distinction that the budget fight in Wisconsin is not about punishing individual workers, but rather is aimed at giving local governments the flexibility they need to balance their budgets. Without making changes to the collective bargaining rules, this cannot happen.

Sen. Johnson then addressed developments back in Madison. When questioned why Republicans in the Wisconsin State Senate decided to proceed with a vote on the collective bargaining piece of the budget, Johnson said the Republicans quite simply "ran out of patience." It was clear that the Democrats were not going to come back and this was the only way forward. Praising the efforts of Governor Scott Walker, Sen. Johnson decried the actions of those on the left, saying, "It's a shame that the Democrats are handling it this way." He also denounced the bullying and thuglike tactics being used by union protesters in Wisconsin, some of whom are resorting to death threats and verbal assualts. Johnson said it was "out of bounds" for protestors to react with such vitriol.

Switching his attention to DC, Sen. Johnson touched on GOP attempts to rein in Federal spending, saying that he is "extremely" disappointed "that the President is not showing leadership in this area." Johnson and his colleague Sen. Coburn recently joined other Republicans in signing a letter saying they would withhold unanimous consent on new spending that is not accompanied by offsetting spending cuts. "I believe the very clear message the voters sent [in November] . . . is that we understand that spending is way out of control on a state level and in Washington," he concluded.

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By Clare Goldsberry

In the November 2010 midterm elections, Ron Johnson, owner and president of Pacur Inc. and a Republican politician, beat out Wisconsin’s three-term Democratic senator, Russ Feingold. Until he was elected, there were no manufacturers sitting in the Senate, but Sen. Johnson hopes to use his experience running a plastic sheet and roll stock extrusion business to drive change in the federal government.

MPW: What was the driving force behind your decision to run for the Senate against a seasoned and popular politician such as Russ Feingold?

Ron Johnson: The final straw for me was the passing of the healthcare bill. My own personal story is that my first child was born with a pretty serious congenital heart defect. At the age of eight months she had surgery—the upper chamber of her heart was totally reconstructed. Her heart is backwards right now, but she’s 27 years old and is a nurse at a neonatal intensive care unit. That gave me first-hand experience of how phenomenal our healthcare system is.

I believe the [recently passed] healthcare bill is designed to lead to a government takeover of the healthcare sector—one-sixth of our economy. I certainly didn’t run into anybody on the campaign trail that felt that the federal government had the capability of efficiently running one-sixth of our economy.

MPW: There is discontent among CEOs of some manufacturing companies with respect to the regulatory and economic climate in the United States. Emerson Electric’s CEO David Farr even told a meeting of CEOs that “the government is our worst enemy” and vowed not to build another manufacturing plant in the U.S. As a small-business person, do you believe that there’s anything that the government can do—or will do—to help boost manufacturing in the U.S.?

RJ: Unfortunately, I think the uncertainty that permeates our entire economy is a very predictable result of too much government that really produces misguided and very ineffective over-regulation. The primary uncertainty comes from the government hugely overspending—$1.3 trillion year after year as far as the eye can see. Spending has gone from 20% of GDP to 25% and it continues moving north. What our federal government needs to do is to restore confidence in the economy. Consumers need to be more confident that their jobs are secure. Businesses need to be more confident that politicians are not going to continue to demonize them or lay claim to a greater share of the fruits of their effort.

The first step to this is limiting the size and scope of the federal government. I believe that can be done with a proposal like Congressman Mike Pence’s constitutional amendment to limit spending to 20% of GDP. If we show a credible plan for capping spending, we will show the American people that the government is able to live within its means. I believe that’s the type of confidence boost the economy needs.

MPW: How do the many rules and regulations under which manufacturing has to operate affect the United States’ ability to be competitive with countries that do not have these?

RJ: In order to focus the minds in Washington, DC on actually trying to reduce the size and scope of government, I would like to see committees in both the House and the Senate whose primary focus is to find laws and regulations that we can eliminate. We need to start reducing the number of regulations. In my business, I actually found it easy to compete against large companies because of the bureaucracy under which they must operate.

MPW: We hear a lot about fair trade, not just free trade with foreign countries. What is your position on this?

RJ: Pacur is a small to midsized company and it competes globally. About 20% of what Pacur produces gets exported, and one of its largest export markets is China. I have a great deal of faith in the workers in Wisconsin and America. We’re a hard-working nation with the most productive workforce in the world, and we can be competitive as long as the government creates a healthy environment for our businesses. We can’t have the highest tax rate in the world and the most regulated business environment in the world, and expect to compete on a level playing field. This goes to basic business principles.

MPW: How can we encourage more business growth in the United States—encourage companies to put manufacturing plants here?

RJ: Multinational companies still believe the United States is a good place to invest. The U.S. is still the world’s largest consumer market. I wouldn’t dream of producing for the U.S. market anywhere else other than the U.S.

I understand that customer service is the way to have a successful business and I need to be close to my customers. The only reason many U.S. businesses don’t want to manufacture here is the business environment is too hostile. To create jobs we need to celebrate success and to encourage people to get into business. Over the past 30 years, my experience as a businessperson has shown what we can do in this country. We’ve put our heart and soul into the creation of Pacur.

MPW: While you’re working in Washington, who’s minding the store in Oshkosh?

RJ: Some of the managers at Pacur have been there for over 30 years. One of the reasons I felt I could run for office was that before I announced I was running, I was putting 50% of my time into volunteer activities, and the business was running smoothly. My younger brother Barry, who is an experienced manufacturing manager, took over my position. I’m for term limits—it can be healthy for government and for business. The fact that I’m no longer at Pacur has given new opportunities for some of the younger managers to step up to the plate.

MPW: What are some of Pacur’s goals under this management?

RJ: Pacur will continue to focus on what it has always focused on. The company largely sells into the medical device packaging field with polyester, copolyesters, and some polypropylene—both homo and co-PP. Pacur pushes its sheet and roll stock products into markets they are suited for. They provide lenticular products to the packaging market as well. Pacur will continue to do the highly specialized products for medical device applications, and focus on very high quality and a high level of service. That’s always been my vision—being a highly specialized, high-quality, high-customer-service-oriented company. That’s part of Pacur’s culture and it will continue.

MPW: From plastics processor to U.S. senator; it’s a big change, isn’t it?

RJ: I’ll never be a career politician—I am a citizen legislator. I think people are saying that we need a different perspective in DC. There are 57 lawyers in the Senate, one accountant, and no manufacturers. We need a business perspective in DC. When I was campaigning, I had people come up to me frequently shaking their finger in my face and say, ‘Don’t you change.’ I’m not going to.

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By Vicki Needham

Eight Republican senators vowed on Thursday to hold up bills that contain new spending and funding for duplicate federal programs. 

Sens. Tom Coburn (Okla.), John McCain (Ariz.), Jim DeMint (S.C.), John Ensign (Nev.), Ron Johnson (Wis.), Rand Paul (Ky.), Mike Lee (Utah) and Kelly Ayotte (N.H.) sent a letter to their fellow lawmakers announcing their intentions if legislation doesn't meet certain criteria. 

The letter said that holds would be put on bills that don't offset new spending for creating a new agency, program, office or activity, and that those costs must be covered by eliminating an existing program or function or reducing the authorized funding level of ongoing spending. 

"Before we can get our fiscal house in order, Congress first has to stop making the problem worse," Coburn said in a statement. "I'm pleased so many of my colleagues have agreed to withhold consent from bills that borrow and spend new money, duplicate existing programs, violate the Constitution or are not a legitimate role of the federal government."

The lawmakers cited the Government Accountability Office's report earlier this week that identified hundreds of duplicative programs costing billions of dollars. 

"Each year, the federal government washes billions of taxpayer dollars down the drain through wasteful and duplicative spending," McCain said. 

The letter also called for Congress to periodically determine whether or not every government program is working as intended, is still needed, or is worthy of continued taxpayer support. 

To ensure this happens, any legislation establishing or continuing an agency, office or program must also include a sunset date, when Congress must decide whether or not to update or extend the life of the program.

The lawmakers also are requesting that the cost and text of bills must be made publicly available in an electronic format for at least three full days along with a cost estimate completed by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) prior to being passed.

"To restore the intended balance of powers between the states and the federal government and to preserve the freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, all bills must have a clear and obvious basis connected to one of the enumerated powers and must not infringe upon any of the rights guaranteed to the people," the letter also said. 

"By holding bills that spend irresponsibly and overstep the proper role of the federal government, we can begin to rebuild their trust and make Congress more transparent and accountable," Lee said. "I'm proud to stand with my colleagues who agree that this wasteful, irresponsible spending must stop."

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Senator Ron Johnson released the following statement today:

"I am incredibly proud of the leadership and the courage that Governor Scott Walker and the Republican Members of Wisconsin's State Assembly and Senate are showing against incredible opposition. Not only is Governor Walker leading the state of Wisconsin, but he is also leading the nation. America is hungry for leadership as both Washington and many states face crushing deficits.

"I was deeply troubled when I learned that union supporters were surrounding Governor Walker's private home in Wauwatosa. That is out of line and out of bounds.

"I have deep respect for anyone that works hard to build a good life for themselves and their family. Nobody likes to face budget cuts. But, the fact of the matter is that we are talking about a $3.6 billion deficit in the state of Wisconsin, and a $1.65 trillion deficit here in America. We have got to take action, doing nothing is no longer an option. We simply can't delay fiscal responsibility any longer.

"I stand ready to do anything I can to assist the men and women in the Wisconsin Assembly and Senate.  Showing this kind of leadership deserves our respect. I'm encouraging the citizens of Wisconsin to also voice their support for those people showing leadership and courage.  They are doing what has to be done and they should be commended."

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By Robert Costa

In late February, Rep. Paul Ryan, the rangy Republican who chairs the House Budget Committee, addressed a group of businessmen in a ballroom overlooking frozen Lake Monona. Down the street, inside Madison’s snow-covered state capitol, throngs of labor activists paraded under the rotunda. They railed, as they have for weeks, against Gov. Scott Walker, Wisconsin’s rookie executive, who is tangling with the public-sector unions.

Ryan, a high-profile leader on Capitol Hill, welcomed Walker to American politics, above the fold. “Nobody is really paying attention to what is going on in Washington,” he chuckled. “They are all focusing on Madison these days. It’s pretty amazing.”

Indeed, as fiscal crises brew across the country, eyes have turned toward Wisconsin, where the battle roars. But the state has produced more than a spectacle. A legion of fresh-faced reformers is asserting itself. Along with Walker and Ryan, freshman senator Ron Johnson, freshman representative Sean Duffy, and Reince Priebus, the chairman of the Republican National Committee — all Wisconsonites — are quickly becoming national pacesetters.

Ryan sees Walker’s stand-off with union brass as emblematic of the frank, Midwestern conservatism that has taken hold in the state. “Scott Walker is a straight shooter,” he says. “Wisconsinites are very direct people and he is a product of Wisconsin.”

That may be, but Wisconsin has often shied away from flinty pols. Its recent support of this Republican crop was unexpected. President Obama won the state easily in 2008, taking 56 percent of the vote. The state also has a proud lefty tradition: It was the first state to grant public employees collective-bargaining rights. Former governor Robert “Fighting Bob” LaFollette, a progressive hero, is a towering figure in the history books. Madison, the capital city, is often dubbed the Berkeley of the Midwest.

Yet after two years of “stimulus” spending, rising unemployment, and health-care headaches, Wisconsin seemed ready for a shake-up, sending budget hawks, not Upper Midwestern populists, to Madison and Washington. Many had risen from the ashes of liberal excess.

Walker, for instance, won the county executive post in deep-blue Milwaukee after Democrats were caught ladling themselves plentiful pensions. Duffy, a former prosecutor and reality-TV contestant, took the seat of David Obey, the former House Appropriations Committee chairman, who was a big spender in Congress for decades.

Priebus, who ousted Michael Steele at the RNC, tells me that the party was eager to embrace its opportunity. “The people in the Wisconsin and elsewhere were starving for real, authentic leaders,” he says. “Scott Walker is one of them.” Walker, he says, by taking on the unions early, has set the tone for a new era in Wisconsin, and, perhaps, national politics.

“Walker is not a plasticized politician,” Priebus observes. “He knows that life requires tough choices sometimes” — and that not all things can be compromised. The “Wisconsin style,” if there is one, he muses, is anchored to a commitment to fiscal prudence.

Johnson, a 55-year-old accountant and Oshkosh businessman, agrees. He toppled Democrat Russ Feingold last year, sending the liberal lawyer home to Middleton after 18 years in Washington. It was an unlikely victory. After a life devoted to his plastics and packaging company, Johnson became involved in the Tea Party movement in early 2009, gaining attention for the serious, plainspoken speeches he delivered at Madison-area rallies.

Johnson’s successful entry into politics, driven by his concern for the country’s struggling economy and growing debt, tells us something about the Badger State — and about America’s political moment. The lanky, unassuming business executive cuts a very different figure than the decisive governor Walker or the Beltway power player Ryan. In fact, he’s the aw-shucks antithesis of slick. But Wisconsinites were willing to replace a three-term progressive senator with a political novice precisely because Johnson shares Ryan and Walker’s budget-hawk instincts.

Johnson is proud to be associated with his freshman class and with Walker back home. “Let’s face it, Walker came into office facing a pretty daunting challenge — a $3.6 billion budget shortfall over the next two years,” he says. “He understands the difficulty of labor agreements that are imposed on local governments. He’s trying to return balance to that equation. It’s not easy, it’s hard. But that’s the kind of leadership we need.”

Ryan, who delivered the GOP response to the State of the Union address, hopes the success of this merry band will encourage others in the party to stand by their principles. “When you tell people the truth, that they’ve been deceived by prior politicians, they don’t like it,” he says, reflecting on his crusade against bloated entitlements and Walker’s challenge. “But the more we are honest with people, the more they will respect government.”

Walker appreciates the support. But he is quick to note that he is not the first Wisconsin Republican to skirmish with special interests. In a chat at his capitol office, he recalls how former GOP governor Tommy Thompson, who served four terms, spurred innovative school-choice and welfare reforms. Walker says that if Wisconsin could “set the table” in the Nineties, it surely can do it again. In many ways, it already has.

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By David M. Drucker and John Stanton

The spotlight returns to Capitol Hill today, where lawmakers are trying to forge a compromise spending bill and avert a government shutdown after a recess that saw the nation riveted by acrimonious budget battles in Wisconsin and elsewhere.

House Republicans and Senate Democrats began negotiating a short-term continuing resolution last week when it became clear five days were insufficient to resolve differences over a larger spending bill for the remainder of fiscal 2011 that cleared the House on Feb. 19. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid signaled Friday that he was inclined to support a short-term CR proposed by Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio), although the Nevada Democrat attempted to couch his position as a
Republican capitulation.

“The plan Republicans are floating today sounds like a modified version of what Democrats were talking about. We’re glad they think it’s a good idea, but we should keep our focus on what we need to do to cut spending and keep our economy growing in the long-term,” Reid spokesman Jon Summers said in a statement. “But the ‘my way or the highway’ approach Republicans have been taking in the past only signals a desire for a government shutdown that our country can’t afford. We hope this is a sign that they have abandoned it and will work with Democrats moving forward.”

“If Senate Democrats walk away from this offer, they are actively engineering a government shutdown,” House Chief Deputy Majority Whip Peter Roskam (R-Ill.) told reporters earlier Friday, in prebuttal to any negative reaction Senate Democrats might have to the GOP’s new short-term CR.

The two-week measure would cut
$4 billion in federal spending over that period, and House GOP leaders immediately sought to reframe the fight as Democrats standing in the way of passing a funding bill and risking a government shutdown. Democrats for weeks have been trying to paint the GOP as supporting a shutdown more than reasonable compromise on the budget.

Roskam and other Republicans also used the release to fire back at Democrats, who have called the cuts in the short-term CR and the six-month bill draconian.

“The only thing that’s draconian is defending the status quo in Washington,” Roskam said.

“Any Democrat who can’t take these basic steps is putting politics before people,” House Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) added.

House Republicans’ goal for this week is fairly simple — to put enough pressure on moderate Democrats and Reid to force Senate Democrats to take their two-week proposal.

Although Reid can block virtually anything sent to the chamber from the House at this point, Republicans argued they believe they are in a good position, noting that moderates such as Sens. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) and Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.) are reportedly open to cuts in the short-term CR.

“The fact that they may be willing to cut some spending may be an indication that they’re willing to take a small step in the right direction,” House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) said.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Boehner are in constant contact, and Senate Republicans are expected to back the House GOP position as negotiated with Reid. The two Republican Conferences tend to agree on the overall amount of spending that would be cut. Given that House Republicans are in the majority, the Senate GOP has looked to them to write both the short-term and longer-term CR bills.

In a statement, McConnell announced his support for the two-week House CR and moved to put Senate Democrats on the defensive.

“There is now a clear path to finishing this short-term measure before the March 4th deadline,” McConnell said. “By supporting the House bill, our friends on the other side of the aisle will have the chance to ensure that the government remains operational while we work with them to identify additional ways to shrink Washington spending this year.”

In Wisconsin, state Senate Democrats fled the capital for an undisclosed location in Illinois last week to deny Gov. Scott Walker (R) and Republicans the quorum they needed to raise a bill that would — among other things — eliminate collective bargaining rights for pension and health care benefits for unionized state employees. Legislative Democrats in Indiana made a similar move to block a bill they disagreed with, as liberal activists planned rallies over the weekend in several other states.

Meanwhile, Democrats and Republicans in Washington, D.C., have been fighting for several weeks over government spending and other fiscal issues, with the GOP pushing for significant cuts and most Democrats arguing for a freeze at current levels. Republicans are not expected to tie their arguments on the CR to the battles over unions in Wisconsin and other states. But Cantor on Friday acknowledged there are some philosophical similarities.

Cantor argued that, like House Republicans, governors are trying to “balance budgets and try and get the fiscal house in order. ... That’s what the debate in Wisconsin is about, that’s what this CR debate is about.” Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), who was elected on a campaign of lower spending and deficit reduction, said what happened in his home state could have a “positive spillover” effect on Washington.

“This really is the battle that we’re going to have to engage in on the state level as well as the federal level to rein in out-of-control spending and reduce these budget gaps,” Johnson said. “It’s a necessary fight.”

Republican strategist David Winston said there is deep public concern over fiscal matters, both in the states and at the federal level. In some cases, the issues intersect, while in others they do not, depending on the state in question.

Even though it appears to be unclear which political party would be harmed the most in the event of a government shutdown, Winston said surveys have shown at least one area of public sentiment is concrete. Voters want what they view as a fiscal crisis affecting the states and the federal government to be addressed in a meaningful way.

“What the public is looking for — and it doesn’t matter if you’re a Republican or a Democrat — is progress; make progress. Everyone is looking at this and realizing the demand from the electorate is, get it done; figure it out,” Winston said.

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By Allysia Finley

It's hard to believe, but the first time Ron Johnson, Wisconsin's newly elected Republican senator, saw Washington, D.C., was when he arrived for his Senate orientation in November.

Prior to being elected, Mr. Johnson ran a plastics business with his brother-in-law in Oshkosh for 30 years. Although his family had considered visiting the nation's capital for vacation, he said they had always opted for the more picturesque mountains. Perhaps not surprisingly, the first thing that struck Mr. Johnson about Washington when he got there was the physical size of government.

"I saw the [Environmental Protection Agency] building and thought, 'abandon all hope,'" said Mr. Johnson in a recent meeting with the Journal editorial board.

Mr. Johnson, who sits on the Senate Appropriations and Budget Committees, said he's concerned about the lack of White House leadership on entitlement reform. "There are way too many [Democrats] who don't understand how urgent the problem is," Mr. Johnson told us. "We need a Nixon to China moment. We need someone from the party of entitlements to step forward. Nobody is stepping forward."

Mr. Johnson said that he thinks Republicans will continue to push for spending cuts that have a chance of garnering bipartisan support. He likes Tennessee Sen. Bob Corker's idea of capping spending at 20.6% of GDP. Spending cuts are necessary, he said, "to send the right signal to investors and consumers" who are concerned about the country's economic trajectory. Unless the economy starts growing again, he added, Congress will never be able to get the deficit under control.

The argument that the federal government should cut spending to boost economic growth isn't often heard in Washington, but then again, Mr. Johnson is new to the town.

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By Carl Hulse

After another quiet appearance on the Senate floor, Senator Marco Rubio, the heralded freshman Republican from Florida, quickly made his way back to his office, avoiding eye contact with a phalanx of reporters in the Capitol basement.

Not long after Mr. Rubio’s exit, a second rookie Republican, Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, charged in the opposite direction, hurrying to the chamber to challenge an aviation measure that had strong backing from both parties.

The sharp contrast between the styles of two conservatives who became national figures in last year’s campaigns — and the varied approaches of others in the Senate’s freshmen class — show that political goals, ambition, experience and personality are as crucial as tradition in shaping a Congressional entrance strategy.

Some, like Mr. Paul and Senator Mark Steven Kirk, Republican of Illinois, seem to view the old Senate rituals of biding one’s time and deferring to senior members as passé. They joined the fray on the Senate floor almost as soon as they took their hands off the Bible after being sworn in.

“It might be somewhat my style to hit things on the head and not be too bashful about it,” said Mr. Paul, who gave his first speech less than a month into his term, a break from the tradition of waiting considerably longer before having the temerity to speak.

Mr. Rubio, who was embraced by conservatives nationwide when he opposed and ultimately defeated former Gov. Charlie Crist in Florida’s Senate race, has taken the opposite track.

He eschews national political coverage and talks primarily to the state news media. He has passed up high-profile gatherings like a recent conservative conference in favor of events back home. And unlike Mr. Paul, he did not join the Senate’s new Tea Party Caucus despite having been backed by Tea Party advocates.

“First and foremost, he has a responsibility to the people who elected him in Florida, and that is where the focus of his work is,” said Alex Burgos, a spokesman for Mr. Rubio. “The schedule reflects that as much as his public appearances.”

In moving into hunker-down mode, Mr. Rubio is following in the footsteps of previous celebrity senators who did not want to irritate their new constituents by striking a high-profile, national pose too early in their tenures.

At the beginning of her Senate career, Hillary Rodham Clinton put her energy almost exclusively into New York media and issues, though she was seen even then as a potential presidential candidate. Senator Al Franken, a former “Saturday Night Live” writer and performer, still does not typically talk to the news media from outside his state of Minnesota, despite being a member of the Senate since mid-2009.

Senator John Thune, a South Dakota Republican who joined the Senate by knocking off Tom Daschle, then the Democratic leader, also homed in on parochial concerns upon his arrival in 2005.

“After having the high-profile Senate race, I wanted to focus on South Dakota, keep my head down, do the work as a senator, and avoided the spotlight, the Sunday shows and that kind of stuff,” said Mr. Thune, who just took himself out of the 2012 presidential race. “We made a conscious decision to do that.”

Mr. Thune said he could understand both the approach of Mr. Paul, “who has a big mandate to come here and shake things up,” and Mr. Rubio’s decision to “really solidify himself in his state and convince people he is here to do the work of a legislator.”

Mr. Rubio, in the view of many analysts and colleagues, is planning longer term. The thinking is that Mr. Rubio, a former speaker of the Florida House, needs to build credibility and establish himself as a serious senator if he is take advantage of a promising future. Even with his lower profile, Mr. Rubio, 39, is still regularly mentioned as a potential vice-presidential candidate for 2012.

Other members of the freshman class are approaching their early days in their own ways.

Senator Rob Portman, Republican of Ohio, is a veteran of the House and President George W. Bush’s administration, and has already been called on by leadership to be a spokesman on budget issues because of his previous job as director of the Office of Management and Budget.

Senator Roy Blunt of Missouri, formerly the No. 3 Republican in the House, has given his maiden speech and is a confident Senate newcomer. Senator Dan Coats of Indiana served in the Senate previously.

Senator Ron Johnson, a Wisconsin Republican who is essentially new to politics, is not avoiding the media but is not chasing after it, either, and has yet to have his inaugural speech.

“I’m not saying a whole lot until I have something to add to the conversation,” Mr. Johnson said. “I want to speak when I have something valuable to say.”

For his part, Mr. Paul said that he did not go to the Senate to be a shrinking violet, and that if his early assertiveness has political repercussions, so be it.

“I told people when I ran that I was unafraid not to be elected,” Mr. Paul said. “I truly meant that. I am incredibly privileged to have been here, but I was happy as a physician.”

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By Michelle Lodge

The collective bargaining process with public sector unions needs to be restructured to keep labor unions from “bankrupting states,” Sen. Ron Johnson, (R-Wisc.), told CNBC Wednesday.

“It’s got to change,” said Johnson, who serves on the Appropriations Committee and the Budget Committee in the Senate. “It’s just not fair to push all this down to localities but then handcuff the localities.”

Johnson added that in a typical school district, 75 percent of its budget is dedicated to wages and benefits. “They have no option in terms of balancing their budget because they have no flexibility there other than to raise property taxes or lay teachers off,” said Johnson. “Those are awful options. We need to bring another option, a fairer option, to the table.”

In Johnson’s own state, Democrats kept the Wisconsin Assembly up overnight Tuesday with a filibuster, in another attempt to block the Republican governor Scott Walker’s plan to strip public sector workers of nearly all of their bargaining rights, reported the AP.

The bill in the Wisconsin legislature would require most public sector workers to contribute more to their pensions and health insurance and also would strip them of their right to collectively bargain anything except salaries, according to the AP. Walker has said the plan is crucial to solving a $137 million deficit in the state's current budget and a $3.6 billion shortfall in the 2011-13 budget.

Johnson disagreed that the governor’s plan would take away all the collective bargaining rights of the labor unions, but characterized Walker's actions as “rebalancing the equation.”

“In terms of electoral politics, the largest interest group was public-sector labor unions,” added Johnson. “They [the unions] spent $200 million, so the problem in these labor negotiations is that the taxpayer isn’t represented.”

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By John McCormack

Last week, President Obama said that Wisconsin governor Scott Walker's budget bill is an "assault on workers." Today, Wisconsin senator Ron Johnson said Obama should mind his own business.

"The president really ought to concentrate on the $1.65 trillion deficit on the national level ... rather than put his nose in Wisconsin’s business," Johnson told The Weekly Standard this afternoon. “He needs to show the kind of leadership that Scott Walker is showing, unlike he did in his budget that’s going to add $13 trillion to our national debt over the next ten years.”

Johnson, who was just elected to his first-term in November, didn't shy away at all from the contentious debate surrounding Walker's legislation, which is vehemently opposed by public sector unions. "[Walker] needs to be supported for making the hard choices," said Johnson. "This isn’t easy. Nobody said it was going to be easy. We could use that type of strong leadership in Washington as well.”

Johnson defended the bill's provision to curtail collective bargaining rights, arguing that without that provision "local governments are going to have one of two choices: They’re either going to have to drastically increase property taxes, which I don’t think most people are going to support, most people can’t afford. Or dramatically reduce services—lay people off."

Johnson pointed out that the money public sector employees will have to put toward their health insurance and pension benefits will only save the state $300 million over two years, still leaving the state with a $3.3 billion deficit. "Part of the way you close that gap is probably with reduced revenue sharing to the cities," Johnson said. “[Walker] understands, being an ex county executive, how difficult that’s gonna be if labor agreements negotiated by the state with the labor unions are imposed on local governments. He’s trying to do is rebalance that equation, to give local governments the tools and the flexibility to be able to balance their budget.”

What does Johnson think of the legislation's exemption for police officers and firefighters?  “All I can say to respond to that is [by offering] Governor Walker’s rationale for that," he replied. "What he’s stated is he didn’t want to put public safety at risk. We’re seeing what teachers are doing in terms of walking off, calling in sick when they’re not really sick. And he didn’t want to expose the public to safety issues in case the firefighters and police would do that.”

Johnson said he doesn't think that requiring teachers to pay more for their benefits will lead to fewer good teachers willing to teach. “It looks like the total cost of a teacher on average in Wisconsin is about $75,000," Johnson said. "And that’s working 9 months out of the year. If you annualize that, that’s close to $100,000. This is what teachers will do: They’ll benchmark what they can make in the private sector versus what they’re getting in the public sector. And the marketplace will take care of that.”

“With my experience in industry in terms of basic pay scales," he continued, "I don’t look at  close to $100,000 on an annualized basis as being really too small an amount to attract good people.” But he emphasized that he doesn't begrudge teachers for trying to earn as much as they can.

As for the bill's provision to have public employees vote each year to maintain their union, Johnson said "that's only fair."

"The teachers should have the right, every year, to vote whether they want to be represented that particular union," he said. "I don't see why the union should expect the government to collect their dues for them. There are plenty of teachers who don’t agree with the political views or political contributions made by the union. They shouldn’t have dues taken out to support political parties they don’t necessarily agree with.”

Johnson said that the debate in Wisconsin is framing the broader national debate about spending. “This is establishing the fault line in terms of fiscal discipline or kind of throwing up your hands up and saying we can’t fix these problems,” he said. “We need to convey at a state-level, what we need to a convey at a federal level: we have spent beyond our means, we have got to be serious in correcting that. Governor Walker is faced with a $3.6 billion deficit. We’re faced with a $1.6 trillion deficit on the national level. We need real leadership.”

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